Science and Reason
in Hampton Roads
 
Science,  Pseudoscience,  And
The Paranormal
 

GENUINE SCIENCE uses traditional logic, critical thinking, appropriate evidence, subjects all authority to scrutiny, and allows the open testing of its claims.  Most anyone can learn these basic ways of scientific thinking.  Unfortunately, the formal "scientific method" is many times taught as the only way science is done, and makes science appear dull, agonizing, and tedious.  This formalization of the scientific process makes people fear science, and think it is beyond them.

However, few scientists actually work that way.  Instead, they get excited, hopeful, interested, intrigued, and puzzled about various things around them.  Their ideas come to them in the shower, on the freeway, while playing baseball with their kids, as well as in the laboratory or library.  Science is creative and exciting.  While a scientist may finish up his work using the formal "scientific method", there is initially a great deal of free-wheeling explo- ration and "lets see what happens if we.... " experimentation.  There are many things to first observe, and play with, and understand and organize, before they can be assembled into the formal "acceptance/rejection of the hypothesis" scientific method taught in school.  And anyone can observe, play, and finally understand and organize, not just formally-trained scientists.

Error is a normal part of genuine science, and uncovering flaws in scientific observations and reasoning is part of the legitimate work of scientists.  Scientists normally verify the work of other scientists by repeating their original experiments (replication), by designing complementary experiments, and by carrying out control experiments.  This is just part of the normal "learning curve" that is characteristic of every human endeavor, whether those humans are scientists or not.

Genuine scientists are expected to examine and re-examine their experiments, observations, and conclusions to be sure that they are free of personal biases and pre-conclusions.  They are also expected to be sufficiently ego-free to acknowledge and accept the work of their colleagues that might prove their own conclusions and theories are not valid.

Genuine scientists certainly might be personally disappointed if their own work was invalidated when subjected to verification by their fellow-scientists, but a genuine scientist still draws a deep satisfaction from knowing the truth, even though that truth was not his own discovery.

"The success and credibility of [genuine] science are anchored in the willingness of [genuine] scientists to obey two rules:

1.  Expose new ideas and results to inde- pendent testing and replication by other scientists.
2.  Abandon or modify accepted facts or theories in the light of more complete or reliable experimental evidence.

Adherence to these principles provides a mechanism for self- correction that sets [genuine] science apart from 'other ways of knowing.... ' "When better information is available, science textbooks are rewritten with hardly a backward glance." (1)

For a short, general overview about the practice of science,
click  ; for a more detailed, in-depth discussion about the structure of science, click and  .

Contrasted with genuine science, PSEUDO SCIENCE is the use of the language, symbols, and form of genuine science to deliberately misrepresent dubious and extraordinary claims as true:  a best-selling health guru claims that his brand of spiritual healing is firmly based in quantum theory;  homeopathic aqueous solutions are claimed to exert their effects because the mysterious "memory" of the water allows the active ingredient to exert its effect even though there are no molecules of that ingredient whatsoever in the medicine;  educated people wear expensive, "medical" magnets for treatment of "magnetic deficiency syndrome" that are indistinguishable from cheap refrigerator magnets that cost less than a dollar;  breast-implant trial lawyers and their "expert" witnesses deliberately interfered with trial juries' and judges' efforts to come to objective, fact-based conclusions by overwhelming them with misinformation, and the gruesome and heart-rending anecdotal accounts of suffering women.

Pseudo science in general, exhibits these special characteristics that differentiate it from genuine science, although these special characteristics of pseudo science strongly resemble the charac- teristics of genuine science:

Confirmation Bias:
The conscious and/or unconscious biasing of collected data by tending to notice and collect only what confirms one's beliefs and pre-conclusions, and to ignore, and/or under-represent, what contradicts one's beliefs and pre-conclusions.

Ad Hoc Hypotheses:
The use of weak, reactive, and implausible hypotheses to try to explain away facts that refute one's theory.  Ad hoc is a Latin phrase meaning "to this".  The term refers to something that is hastily set up solely in response to a particular situation or problem, without considering the wider issues.

Pseudosymmetry:
The deliberate creation of the false impression that well-qualified scientists' opinions are about equally divided on claims that actually have little or no scientific support.  This is effected by quoting two genuine experts from opposing camps, but hiding the fact that the second opinion is advanced only by a very few of the entire group.

Pseudo symmetry is also created when the scientific opinion of a well-qualified, highly experienced scientist that rejects a dubious or extraordinary claim is juxtaposed with the opinion of a little- known, barely qualified scientist supporting the claim.  Details about the qualifications and reputations of the two scientists are withheld, creating the false impression that the two opinions are equally authoritative and reliable.

Interpreting Noise As Signal
In some pseudoscience claims (extrasensory perception;  psychokinesis,  e.g.., mentally affecting the flip of a coin;  biofield healing or touch therapy; etc.), the evidence of the phenomena always seems to be at the very limit of detectability.  In scientific terminology, the "signal" can barely be discerned above the "noise".  Thus, normal statistical variability present in any experiment can always be interpreted as the pseudoscientific phenomena.

No Scaling of Observed Effect
Of the dubious phenomena that seem to exist only at the limit of detectability, these phenomena also frequently show no change in the magnitude of the effect with changing experimental conditions.  E.g.., the success rates of J. B. Rhine's extrasensory experiments remained about the same whether the "sender" and "receiver" were in adjoining rooms or in different cities altogether.  Genuine causes and effects don't behave this way.

Things Don't Get Better
Another characteristic of pseudoscience is that in the development of the claims, there never appears to be anything resembling progress.  "The evidence never gets any stronger. Decades pass, and there is never a clear photograph of a flying saucer or the Loch Ness monster....   No proof of psychic phenomena ever found.  In spite of all the tests devised....  and the huge amounts of data collected over a period of many years, the results are no more convincing today than when [the experiments were begun].  No mechanism is ever uncovered.  No testable theory ever emerges." (2)

Testimonials and Personal Anecdotes
The substitution of testimonials and anecdotal accounts for proper, controlled, experimental evidence is characteristic of pseudoscience.  Of course, many times, this is how hypotheses in genuine science may start out also.  Similar anecdotal accounts about various scientists' exploratory experiments accumulate in the scientific community, or, a physician's positive "clinical impressions" about the effectiveness of a treatment for a certain disease keep reoccurring until an investigator finally decides to initiate a proper study.

For genuine science, and genuine medicine, personal anecdotes are just a jumpling off point for designing a proper, fully controlled, investigation of the phenomena, including in the study both individuals who did and did not supply personal anecdotes.  For pseudoscience, the collection of personal anecdotes is considered sufficient; of course, persons with no anecdotes, or even negative anecdotes, are never included.  The substitution of testimonials and personal anecdotes for controlled, objective studies is an example of the "Texas Sharpshooter's" fallacy:  the sharp-shooter empties his revolver into the side of a barn.  Then he walks over and draws a bull's eye around the holes.

It is actually quite easy to extract an avalanche of positive anecdotal accounts for products that actually do not work at all.  For bogus medicines, the powerful "placebo effect" will give a certain percentage of users the positive relief they were expecting, and they can be prevailed upon to write positive testimonials.  Even with non-medical bogus products, not involving the placebo effect, enough users will perceive that the product exhibited its expected benefits, and can be prevailed upon to supply glowing testimonials, even when objective testing shows the product to be worthless (Slick-50 oil additive).

For more detailed information and examples of pseudoscientific claims, click  .

For a long time, the roots of ANTI-SCIENCE were found in religion, e.g.., as in the conflict between Galileo and the Church.  In the 20th Century, the roots of anti-science might be considered to be in the philosophies of Phenomenology and, to a lesser extent, Existentialism.  Both of these modes of encountering the world, in general, deny or minimize the concept of an objective external reality, and make the cognitive and/or emotional processes of each individual the sole basis for knowing and acting.

Phenomenology was introduced in 1906 by Edmund Husserl with
his book, Die Idee der Phänomenologie (The Idea of Phenome- nology).  At the time, he held professorships at both Göttingen and Freiburg im Breisgau.

The primary objective of Phenomenology is the careful investi- gation and description of phenomena, i.e.., the cognitive/emotional processes of which the individual is introspectively aware, without making assumptions about their causal connections to external objects or experiences in the world.

Existentialism is actually a number of philosophies dating from the 1930s proposed and refined by the philosophers Soren Kierkegaard, Martin Heidegger, Karl Jaspers, Simone de Beauvoir, Jean Paul Sartre, and Albert Camus.

Existentialism, in general, is a philosophy that emphasizes the primacy of individual existence alone (the meaning of Being), and concomitant individual choices (the modes of Being), over any presumed, external natural or social order for human beings.   Existentialists generally propose that the fact of individual existence as a human being entails both unqualified freedom for each individual to make of themselves whatever they will, and, at the same time, the responsibility of employing that freedom appropriately, without being driven by anxiety toward escaping into the unauthentic or self-deception of any conventional set of rules for behavior.  Existentialism is thus opposed to any form of objectivism or scientism since these stress the reality and primacy of external facts, rather than the primacy of essential existence (the meaning and modes of Being).

Additionally, in the past few decades, a number of academic, anti-Enlightenment and anti-rationality movements, based at least in part on the above ideas, have established themselves:

  • French deconstructionism maintains that objective meaning cannot be transmitted by, or extracted from, any reading of a text, even when informed by the stated intention of its authors, because unconscious internal conflicts undermine ("decenter") any meaning and render all text fatally ambiguous ("incoherent").

  • Postmodernism claims that there are three global forces which are driving the transition from modernity to post- modernity (also referred to as the post-colonial or post- industrial ages).  These three forces are:

    1. the total breakdown of the traditional, Western ways
      of belief.

    2. the emergence of a monolithic "global culture". Not only does the whole world share jeans, jogging shoes, Microsoft Windows, and eat Big Macs, KFC, and sushi, but now, "memes" -- the cultural equivalent of genes -- which replicate mental patterns, are now so "firmly embedded in the cultural body of the globe that everyone is singing the same tune, discussing the same ideas, talking in the same catchphrases, and expressing themselves in the same fashions." (3)

    3. knowledge and objectivity are merely "mental con- structs", part and parcel of the social construction of reality.  Both the assertions about breakdown of belief systems and the birth of global culture are based on this third, and perhaps the most important, force of transition to the postmodern age:  the understanding of the social construction of reality.  "All we do as humans is to construct illusions of realities to fit our own mental picture of the world.  Everything 'out there' is a figment of our imagination.  And since we are all equal in this best of all possible postmodern worlds, all realities are on a par with each other, all truth is relative, and all objectivity is but a charade." (3)

      "This means that the world has been transformed into a theater where everything is artificially constructed.  Politics is stage-managed for mass consumption.  Television documentaries are transformed and presented as entertainment.  Journalism blurs the distinction between fact and fiction.  Living individuals become characters in soap operas and fictional characters assume "real" lives.  Everything happens instantaneously and everybody gets a live feed on everything that is happening in the global theater." (3)

      "This theatricality," writes journalist Walter Anderson, "is a natural -- and inevitable -- feature of our time.  It is what happens when a lot of people begin to understand that reality is a social construction."  We are constantly being manipulated -- and, in turn, are manipulating others; that is, those of us who have the choice to manipulate. (3)

  • Radical Multiculturalism is more virulent in its views.  Radical multiculturalists hold that not only is reality a social construct, but that these constructs are created and manipulated by the ruling classes to perpetuate their own hegemony.  There is no such thing as objective reality, and, because all forms of knowledge are just social myths, then all forms of knowledge and all ways of knowing are equivalent and equally valid.  A ritualistic voodoo cure is equal to a pharmaceutical cure validated by a double-blind, fully controlled, 5-year clinical trial. 

    Chief among the radicals' claims is that Western culture is particularly oppressive, and should be suppressed so as to empower "downtrodden" cultures.  Also repudiated are the ideas of the Enlightenment, and Western democratic government, based as it is on the knowledge, reasoning, and rational debate of its citizens. 

    Women and minorities have "distinctive, non-rational ways of knowing things, not accessible to members of the majority culture; a privileged knowledge that is expressed in a unique 'voice' of color and gender." (4)   In place of "illusionary" objectivity and traditional scholarly debate, the radicals offer a new form of scholarship:  narrative and storytelling.

In the past decade or so, these deconstructionist, postmodern, and extreme-wing multicultural ideas have come together to produce an academic anti-science movement that is very vocal and vociferous, although the actual numbers of adherents seem to be small and located only at a few academic institutions.  However, their published papers and interviews, are usually covered by the media well out of proportion to their numbers.

This postmodern anti-science view advocates that there is no such thing as objective truth.  Western science is not real; it is a "social construct" shaped solely by the power structure and culture it serves, i.e., white, paternalistic, and capitalist.   There is no "unitary" knowledge, only the different knowledge produced by different societies.  Objective critique of this knowledge is illusionary; these knowledges are all equally valid.  The "different ways of knowing" that produced these different knowledges thus are also all equally valid.  There are no scientific "laws" that apply in all places and to all human communities.  Scientific laws would come out differently in different cultures.  To the anti-science postmodernists, science is just a belief system, no better than any other, and scientists function within it in a socially-generated mutual consensus trance.

Fortunately, these postmodernist anti-science views have been largely confined to a small number of academic writers.  Surveys have shown that the public's attitude, on the other hand, has remained strongly supportive of academic and government science, while showing some reserve about only certain technologies (e.g.., food irradiation, nuclear power generation, genetically modified foods, etc.).

It must be clearly understood that this radical anti-science movement stands alongside, and is dwarfed by, a much older, traditional part of academic sociology that uses the conventional tools of science to legitimately study our institution of science, just as it studies all the other institutions of our culture.

This traditional "sociology of science" was pioneered in the 1930s by the well-known sociologist Robert K. Merton, now at Columbia University.  The sociology of science examines the structure, make-up, and function of scientific institutions and organizations, and also studies the behavior of individual scientists.  Actually, these studies are pretty conventional:  they only examine how science and scientists function in our culture of science, and the in the wider general culture, using the traditional tools of science and sociological investigation.  Traditional sociology of science in no way negates the very essence and validity of scientific inquiry itself.

For example, historian and philosopher of science, Evelyn's Fox Keller of MIT has examined how (predominantly male) scientists' choices of topics and theories in cell biology subtly reflected their cultural stereo-types about "masculine" and "feminine", rather than more wide-ranging, bias-free ideas, and this led to an inaccurate characterization of cell function, which persisted for decades.  The controlling and hierarchical role (a "masculine" trait) of DNA in cell function was unconsciously overemphasized for some quite some time.  Eventually it was realized that there was no "big boss":  DNA and cells interact more or less equally (a "feminine" trait) in a complex system to express genetic information.

Although Keller's published papers about this provoked a fusillade of criticism from some of the more knee-jerk anti-"anti-scientists", in truth, her claims and study techniques were not only NOT "anti-science", they were actually pretty conventional.  Why would her conclusions seem provocative?  Western science functions in its culture, and thus would be expected to incorporate at least some of that culture's biases.  Genuine science is glad to get the insight, bring the unconscious into the conscious, and then move on to do better science.

Finally, there are two more sources of modern anti-science that are centered outside our academic institutions:

Political anti-science . . . . .
Events in the political world over the past years have helped make scientists more aware of anti-science threats coming from politicians.  "One such transformative event was the ascendancy of House Speaker Newt Gingrich's team in Washington.  Gingrich may be a science buff, but his House leadership included throwbacks to the anti-science attitudes of the Scopes trial.  House Whip Tom DeLay (Texas), for example, denounced Nobel laureates as radical ideologues, the hole in the ozone layer as a liberal plot, and global warming as 'junk science'.  Finally, when far-right congressional budget slicers mounted an assault on public support for basic research, and invited the anti-science wing of the religious right into their inner councils, many American scientists recognized a new danger to the integrity of their enterprise." (5)

Industrial anti-science . . . . .
"Another development that threatens the status of science is the increasing boldness with which industry funds researchers to parrot its views on topics like global warming and clean air. These Promethean contrarians offer the promise of profligate energy use and industrial expansion with no negative consequences, but rarely publish in peer-reviewed scientific literature, and sometimes show a cavalier disregard for basic scientific norms. The Promethean view on global warming, for example, is not laid out in scientific journals, but in the editorial pages of The Wall Street Journal." (5)

For a more detailed discussion and history of the academic anti-science movement ("The So-Called Science Wars", by Paul Gross), click  .  For details about Alan Sokal's postmodernist hoax mentioned in "Science Wars", click  .

The PARANORMAL is, literally, beyond the normal.  It is phenomena that cannot be explained by any known natural cause  Traditional examples are clairvoyance (now called remote viewing), telekinesis, precognition, and apparitions such as ghosts and spirits.  The paranormal is not pseudoscience because it doesn't masquerade as genuine science; it is not anti-science because it doesn't attack genuine science in any way; its adherents claim it is simply beyond science.

For more detailed information about the paranormal, click  .


(1) Voodoo Science:  The Road From Foolishness To Fraud.  Robert Park,  Oxford University Press,  New York,  2000,  p. 39.
(2) Ibid., pp. 199, 200.
(3) "Hollywood Postmodernism:  The New Imperialism",  New Perspectives Quarterly,  Ziauddin Sardar,  Fall,  1998.
(4) "Radical Moderation",  New Criterion Magazine,
Marc M. Arkin,  May,  1998.
(5) "Science at War With Itself ",  Sierra Magazine,  Carl Pope,  April,  1998.


 
 
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"Science, Pseudoscience, and the Paranormal" by Alan Speigel,  © 02-08-01